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HUMAN RIGHTS QUARTERLY
Vol. 39
is twenty-seven times more likely to be undernourished.3 Overall, being
born in Swaziland means she can expect to live thirty fewer years than if
she was born in Switzerland, and the cause from which she will eventually
die most likely could otherwise have been avoided.4
On witnessing the real life tragedy of those around the world living
without shelter, without access to education, and at risk of early mortality, it might seem reasonable to say that a violation of human rights has
occurred.5 But, while framing life and death tragedies within the notion of
rights leads one to hope that some improvement to the ill-fated situation
could be made, the mere labelling of unsatisfied social needs as a violation
of human rights is unsatisfactory. Social rights are dependent on the availability of resources.6 And, given that the capacities of different countries
vary in significant ways, the expectation that some countries have a duty
to deliver the same standard of health, nutrition, education, and housing
as others may be unrealistic, just as the Swaziland/Switzerland example
illustrates. It is precisely this resource-dependency that is the core of these
rights’ complexity. How can the content of social rights be determined if it
is allowed to differ across resource contexts, and how then is it possible to
ascertain violations of these rights if the content is not determinate? This is
what I call the “maximum available resources dilemma.”7
The dilemma I describe speaks sympathetically to research by other
scholars who argue that dealing with the resources issue to determine the
content of social rights, and assessing where along the line between rights
to everything and rights to nothing obligations lie, presents the biggest
challenge to justifying, defining, and measuring compliance with social
rights. For example, in On Human Rights, philosopher James Griffin makes
the case that the condition of maximum available resources, interpreted as
“‘available after proper allocation to other important social goals,’”8 gives
3. Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations Statistics Division, Food Security
Indicators, Prevalence of Undernourishment (2016).
4. World Health Organization, World Health Statistics 2012, 58 (2012).
5. The concept of “violation” is used here as a way of describing an unjustified breach of
the right. It is not used to describe an infringement, i.e. a justified breach of the right.
Implicit in the argument is the distinction between social rights and social needs and/
or interests.
6. International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, adopted 16 Dec. 1966,
G.A. Res. 2200 (XXI), U.N. GAOR, 21st Sess., U.N. Doc. A/6316 (1966), 993 U.N.T.S.
3 (entered into force 3 Jan. 1976) [hereinafter ICESCR].
7. The resources dilemma I describe is not the same as that described by John Tobin in his
monograph on the right to health. The dilemma here is not one related to the allocation
of macro and micro resources, i.e. how scarce resources are allocated between health
versus other legitimate social, economic, and cultural needs and interests. Rather, it relates
to the intractability of social rights as a direct result of differences in the availability of
resources. John Tobin, The Right to Health in International Law 69–73, 196 (2012).
8. James Griffin, On Human Rights 100 (2008).