billion, as adjusted, is necessarily the proper additional budgetary amount to provide New York City schools, or that $2.45 billion is the amount that should be budgeted statewide. These figures were determined by a commission designated by the State as reflecting the constitutional minimum for a sound basic education. I join the majority because I agree that Supreme Court should not have directed the referees' recalculation, considering that the state budget plan had already calculated the amount in a way that, as a matter of law, was not arbitrary or irrational. That does not mean that the State is limited to the minimum, or "floor," of what it takes to provide a sound basic education. Judging by Governor Pataki's higher budgeting and the similarly heartening indications that Governor-elect Spitzer will continue in a direction higher than the minimum, there is every indication that the amounts dedicated will be well above the constitutional floor. When it comes to educating its children, New York State will not likely content itself with the minimum. Indeed, after this suit was initiated the State provided for an additional $9 billion investment in capital improvements for the City's schools. How much more it can and should spend, however, is a matter for the political branches, which will be free to avail themselves of the valuable work performed by the distinguished panel of referees. I also emphasize, most importantly, that this lawsuit has consequences beyond New York City and that there are, no doubt, other school districts that should benefit from increased budgets. This requires a statewide approach that is also best left to the Executive and Legislature. Chief Judge Kaye (concurring in part and dissenting in part). Recognizing that we have neither the authority, nor the ability, nor the will to micromanage education financing, in Campaign for Fiscal Equity v State of New York (100 NY2d 893, 925 [2003] [CFE II]) the Court demarcated standards that must be met, but left it to defendants to come into compliance, affording them more than a year to do so. Regrettably, our trust was misplaced. Today, more than three years laterand more than 13 years after this litigation begandefendants still have failed to fund the New York City public schools adequately. Having failed to satisfy their responsibility, defendants now compel this Court to [*13]determine the specific steps that must be taken to remedy the undisputed constitutional violation. Also regrettably,{**8 NY3d at 34} I must dissent because the majority does not resolve the inadequate funding of the New York City public schools and reaches a result that is well below what the governmental actors themselves had concluded was required. Although the dollar differences that separate the majority and dissent are great, our actual points of difference are only two: first, the deference owed, and second, the rationality of two factors used by defendants to calculate the cost of a sound basic education.[FN1] I. The Issue of Deference