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[Vol. 33: 113
supposed to ameliorate the self-interest of sovereignty in international law. 186
Indeed, I argue that the ideal of peremptory norms is an important piece of the
puzzle of the minimum co re’s status, especially as to its nonderogability. As
we will see below, this urge to rank norms agains t the trend of consensus 187
evokes the same deontological paradox.
Some commentators seek to dissolve the tension between consensus and
ethical normativity by “univers alizing” 188 the norms themselves. Abdullahi
An-Na’im, for example, suggests that “human rights are much more credible .
. . if they are perceived to be legitimat e within the various cultural traditions
of the world.” 189 The argument t hat the Uni versal Declaration of Human
Rights constitutes customary internat ional law follows in this vein. 190 Its
supporters usually evoke, no t its superior moral pers uasiveness (as one might
expect) but, rather, the latent consensus present at its adoption by the General
Assembly in 1948191 or its later invocation by m any of the world’s courts and
decisionmakers. 192 The grounding of the mini mum core in a mini mum
consensus ensures its validity across the varied regimes.
Similarly, the norm of consensus helps to secure the legitimacy and
validity of constitutiona l norms. In constitutional theory, consensus operates
to register the necessar y degree of self-governm ent of the citizens of a
constitutional polity. Alexander Bickel famously claimed that “coher ent,
stable—and morally supportable—government is possible only on the basis of
consent.” 193 More recent measures in constitutional th eory point to the
versions of wider cultural agreement that shift over time but ar e always
indirectly informing t he interpretation of ri
ghts in constitutional
194
adjudication. Some commentators argue that consensus is in fact more
meaningful in American constitutional law than in other more internationalist,
constitutional systems. 195 Yet whether American constitutionalism is
186. Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, supra note 181, art. 53 (s tipulating that any
treaty conflicting with a peremptory norm—“accepted and recognized by the international community of
States as a whole as a norm from which no derogation is permitted”—is void).
187. For a seminal expression, see Prosper Weil, Towards Relative Normativity in International
Law?, 77 AM. J. INT’L L. 413 (1983).
188. Susan Waltz, Universalizing Human Rights: The Role of Small States in the Construction
of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights , 23 H UM. RTS. Q. 43, 45 (2001) (endorsing the political
project of “concerted efforts to build a public and worldwide consensus around the idea of human rights,
including political strategies, diplomatic initiatives, agreement of explicit principles, and conclusion of
an international accord”).
189. HUMAN RIGHTS IN CROSS-CULTURAL PERSPECTIVES: A QUEST FOR CONSENSUS 3
(Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na’im ed., 1991).
190. International Bill of Human Rights, G.A. Res. 217 (III), pmbl., U.N. Doc. A/810 (Dec. 10,
1948).
191. See, e.g., GLENDON, supra note 113, at 222 (pointing to the “core of funda mental
principles . . . widely shared in c ountries that had not yet adopted rights instruments and in cultures that
had not embraced the language of rights”).
192. CHRISTIAN TOMUSCHAT, HUMAN RIGHTS: BETWEEN IDEALISM AND REALISM 63 (2003)
(likening the origins of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) to “a sort of birth defect”
because of the absen ce of m any states at its or iginal adoption, an d relying instead on the later
affirmation of the Universal Declaration).
193. ALEXANDER M. BICKEL, THE LEAST DANGEROUS BRANCH: THE SUPREME COURT AT THE
BAR OF POLITICS 20 (2d ed. 1986).
194. Post, supra note 133.
195. Jed Rubenfeld, Unilateralism and Constitutio nalism, 79 N.Y.U. L. REV. 1971, 1999
(2004) (contrasting the “democratic constitutionalism” informing American constitutional law with the
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