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example, the i deological work done by the survival-b ased or dignity-based
investigations in the Essence Approach.355
Secondly, this attention to language must examine how, in particular
contexts, the concept may confront the
dominant discourses of mat erial
redistribution. Does the minimum core
run counter to the privatization,
deregulation, and liberalization discourses, which work both to undermine and
to depoliticize the guarantee of a mini mally protected economic and social
right? By setting up an explic
it incommensurability with economic
vocabularies, the Essence Approach of the minimum core concept has the
most potential to confront the ass umptions of neoli beralism.356 However, its
operation may produce, in some contexts , entirely the opposite effect. This is
because the minimalist fo cus within the core
may well legitimate
neoliberalism, especially if the claim for the minimum core is made in order to
increase the bundles of commoditie
s or consumption share of the
disadvantaged, while failing to challenge the underlying economic institutions
which have produced the disadvantage in the firs t place. For exampl e, as
Nancy Fraser has shown, the effect
of a minimum wage guarantee in a
neoliberal regime might be to s ubsidize (if indirectly) the employers of lowwage, temporary labor and possi bly act to depress all wages. I n a soci al
democratic regime, in contrast, th e guaranteed minimum might alter the
balance of power between capital and labor and provide a long-term resistance
to the commodification of labor power. 357 This type of analysis is needed
before we simply align our intuitive support for language of the minimum
core with our support for those suffering the greatest material deprivation.
VI. CONCLUSION
This Article has shown that the Es sence, Consensus, and Obligations
Approaches to the minimum core provide it with a paradoxical grounding. To
restate, the Essence Appr oach fails to deliver a
determinate “core” to
economic and social rights because of the inevitabilit y of disagreement in the
ordering of both values and needs, and because it is disengaged with the
institutional background th at impacts how legal ri ghts are realized and
enforced. While the normative inquiry—and especially the focus on dignity—
is helpful in charting the substantive co ntent of rights, it misfires when placed
within the minimalist and rigid “core” formulation. The Consensus Approach
seeks to remove thes e shortcomings, yet produces only a vague and
conservatively articulated “core,” whic h conceals t he troubling question of
whose consensus counts and whos
e consensus (and disagreement) is
peripheral. The Obligations Approach
is incompatible with a “core”
designation, due to the polycentric ob
ligations that corre late with each
economic and social righ t, the relativity betw een their “negative” and
355. Liebenberg, Needs, Rights and Transformation , supra note 106, at 35 (celebrating “the
manner in which Mokgoro J in Khosa subverts the norm al discourse around social assistance creating
dependency on the State by highlighting its role in relieving the bu
rden on poor communities and
fostering the dignity of permanent residents”).
356. Philip Harvey, Aspirational Law, 52 B UFF. L. REV. 701 (2004) (suggesting that econom ic
and social rights can directly challenge neoclassical economics).
357. See FRASER & HONNETH, RECOGNITION OR REDISTRIBUTION, supra note 26, at 78.
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